Bridging the Gap
By Prof. Henry Funtecha

The old hacienda system in Negros

The rise in the commercial cultivation of sugar in Negros and the simultaneous migration of wholesale labor starting with the second half of the 19 th century led to the “hacienda” system. The “hacienda” system defined not only geographical units and territorial boundaries but also became a way of life for the Negrenses .

The “hacienda” was a socio-economic unit centered on a sugar plantation requiring capital and directed toward an export crop. It evolved with the coming of absentee planters from the Iloilo towns to Negros and the exodus of the “ sacadas ” or sugar workers to that island. This resulted to the “ amo-suluguon ” complex which tied the sugar planter to his workers in a more or less fixated relationship.

According to Jose Genova (1896), a Spanish writer, the “hacienda” was managed according to the ingenuity of the “ hacendero ” “who directed the work himself, taking care of everything, observing everything and not losing a moment of sight on his field and property.” The “hacienda” was a world in itself and the mansion of the “ hacendero ” was an object of awe amid cane fields, far removed from the tiny “ nipa ” huts of the workers found in the fringes of the vast plantations. In most cases, the mansion was furnished with European furniture and other important trimmings.

The “hacienda” system developed a culture of dependence with the “ hacendero ” occupying the higher end and the “ sacada ” at the lower end of the social structure. In this regard, the “ sacada ” became overly dependent on the “ hacendero ” for all his needs. The lifestyle of the “ hacendero ” was in sharp contrast to that of the farm worker. The former was fond of publicly showing off his affluence, spending his money on such luxurious as Western-type mansions, Scotch whiskey, expensive suits and hats, and the like. He also had a negative attitude toward physical labor which he considered demeaning and fit only for the “ suluguon ” or house helpers and the “ sacadas ”. This will explain why “ hacenderos ” had so many household helpers, especially in the more affluent sugar districts of Negros .

Robustiano Echauz (1894) provides us with an estimate of the yearly expenses of a sugar planter in the early 1890s. In an average sized “hacienda”, the owner needed an investment of about P51 ,650 while operating expenses in one year was about P15,500. The net profit from such “hacienda” was estimated at 21 2/3 percent.

It must be pointed out that during the early development of the “hacienda” system, the “ hacenderos ” were most often absentee landlords , residing most of the time in Iloilo where they had other business interests and rarely journeying across to Negros to visit their farms and to be with workers. The matter of management was left in the hands of their overseers and this further made the “ hacendero ” physically and emotionally detached from their workers. This set-up, however, eventually changed with the “ amo ” permanently now residing in his hacienda and having complete control over the workings of the plantation system and the “ suluguon ” and “ sacada ”. This time, he only occasionally visited his house and properties in Iloilo .